Home > Archives (2006 on) > 2019 > Open Letter to Political Parties

Mainstream, VOL LVII No 31 New Delhi July 20, 2019

Open Letter to Political Parties

Reject EVM to Safeguard the Electoral Process and Save Indian Democracy

Saturday 20 July 2019

After the results of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections were announced, political parties as well as several political commentators are trying to understand the social and political reasons leading to the 2019 verdict. These analyses have largely focussed on political and organisational limitations of the Opposition compared to the RSS/BJP. While we recognise the urgent need to address these political and organisational challenges, it is equally important to recognise the threat to Indian democracy being posed by the use of EVMs. It is, indeed, the X factor, the one concern in Indian politics which we can ill- afford to ignore in our fight to defend the idea of India.

During the 2019 Election, several startling facts regarding EVMs have come into the public domain. To begin with, let us look at a few of them.

Mismatch in EC Figures:

There is a serious mismatch between the voter turnout/votes polled data on the EVM and the votes counted data on EVMs, both shared by the EC, in 373 constituencies which went to poll in the first four phases of the Lok Sabha Elections 2019. ( This citizens web portal has mapped this data after the third, fourth and sixth phases of the elections ( Also watch this Video:

Storage and Safety of EVMs:

Just days before the election result, several videos of EVMs being stored in illegal cars and shops and moved, surfaced on social media platforms. ( These stories surfaced only after seven phases, that is, May 19, 2019. Unfortunately, there was no vigilance maintained by the Opposition parties nor even civil society after the first phase of elections were conducted on April 11, 2019.

In November 2018, the ECI had made public a SOP (Standard Operating Procedure for Storage and Safety of EVM machines), a copy of which is available. The SOP matter is well stated and broadly represents the spirit of the protection mechanisms for EVMs. However, it is lacking in rigour in one respect: each EVM machine is like a cash box. It must not be let out of the control, supervision and protection of the relevant authority from the moment it leaves a factory through its entire journey to and from a polling booth up till the moment it is sent to be scrapped. Any interruption in the monitoring schedule leaves the EVM open for its chip to be removed and substituted by an agent that wishes to manipulate the machine’s voting output.

Therefore, the chain of supervision must not be only from the storage area to the polling booth and back. This transportation and storage chain has to be now managed electronically through digital means. This would require each EVM to be tagged with an identication barcode or equivalent and its every movement by out of a storage facility, on a transport vehicle, its lodging at a poll booth, its transport out of the poll booth, back on to a vehicle to a transit storage area, to the final storage room—each of these events has to be clocked digitally with a time tag and a GPS tag.

If even for one leg of the chain, that is, from a transit storage to the final storage, the journey is not digitally tracked, there is every oppor-tunity for either the machine to be substituted or for a chip to be removed from the machine and replaced. To make this abundantly clear in the Election Commission of India’s notification, dated November 13, 2018 in paras 2, 3 and 4, there is no specific mention relating to the transit movement of the EVMs. Just to be under lock-and-key in storage is not enough. It is the moment of transportation and relocation that offers the scope for tampering and no satisfactory response to this is available.

Missing and Replaced EVMs:

A public interest litigation in Bombay High Court also points out that 20 lakh EVMs have gone missing from the possession of the EC! ( The fact that EVMs are manufactured by the Electronics Corpo-ration of India and Bharat Electronics, under the direct control of the Central Government, is a further cause of serious concern.

Malfunctioning of EVMS:

351 New EVMs malfunctioned in Gujarat on counting day and results did not show up on the screen, leading to the counting of VVPATs for these machines. If such a high number of new EVM machines can malfunction in one State alone, is it not important for the ECI to clear the air on their

reliability? (


This Interview with a former CEC clarifies some and complicates other answers. He defends the EVMs but urges more transparency in VVPATs. We need to have a responsible study group looking at this with evidence. The PIL in the Bombay HC needs to be studied carefully.

There is an unimaginable scale of possibility of manipulation through EVM and if we restrict ourselves only to political and organisational factors behind the 2019 verdict, and if we ignore the EVM factor completely, we are sure to arrive at a wrong conclusion for course correction. Presently every Opposition party is doing an

introspection of its campaign and organisation. The reports of these meetings that have emerged in the public domain tell us that Opposition parties are ONLY blaming factors within and amongst themselves (factionalism, inability to mobilise, wrong political strategies and slogans, etc.). This approach is partial and is likely to be self-defeating. This is not to say that intros-pection and self-criticism is not needed. It is simply to say that this it is NOT enough.

It is important to take into account the possible X factor, namely, EVM tampering, to complete the analysis. If EVM is indeed a factor, then failure to recognise this would lead to serial mistakes in course correction strategies for the following reasons:

The very real possibility of EVM tampering endangers a crucial dimension of India’s democracy, that is, people’s right to free and fair voting. It is worse than open booth capturing because it would enjoy far greater legitimacy,

as it would be invisible, technology-driven and could steal people’s mandate without being discovered.

If EVM tampering is a possible factor affecting the outcome, it is outside the control of the Opposition parties but within the control of the party which is in power and which can have a de facto control over the Election Commission. Therefore addressing this factor requires special political planning and strategy. Suppose the political and organisational strategy of the Opposition parties is by and large correct, and it is the EVM that tilted the final balance towards their defeat, then non-recognition of the EVM factor will push political parties to doubt their correct political/organisational strategies and push them in a wrong direction of course correction, leading to serial errors in future strategies.

The depth and scale of BJP victories in the Hindi heartland States and the total elimination of major opponents should raise alarm bells about the real possibility of EVM tampering. It was encouraging to see how the Opposition parties came together since last October to demand return to ballot papers or counting of all VVPAT slips. However, this was not pursued consistently and attempts were not made to build a mass campaign on the ground. It is now proved beyond doubt that the Opposition strategy so far on EVMs of hesitant petitioning of a compromised EC or the Supreme Court without building mass struggle has failed miserably. The hesitation within the Opposition parties, driven by the fear that they would be perceived as already defeated if they talked about EVM tampering, should no longer deter them as they have already been so squarely routed. If there is the slightest chance that EVM tampering is in play, then no crucial election of significance might be won by the Opposition even after they have correctly mended their other weaknesses. The BJP may still allow for some sporadic and marginal victories to the Opposition here and there, so that people and the Opposition remain permanently confused about whether or not to question the EVMs.

EVM-tampering can manufacture a distorted political narrative, demoralise the opponents and derail united strategies. For example, even if we were to assume that the BJP was a front runner in the recent polls, the EVM-tampering may have guaranteed their victory with 100 per cent surety. More significantly, if the EVM- tampering helped the BJP to expand its winning margin and push its vote-share above 50 per cent, then it has become a handy tool to make the BJP appear invincible and fan despondency in the Opposition camp, spawning the narrative that even a united Opposition can never defeat the BJP, as the latter’s vote-share was anyway above 50 per cent.

Here, it is important not to fall into the trap of blind ‘support’ vs ‘rejection’ of the possibility of EVM-tampering. The point is that the Indian voter should not be asked to blindly trust machines and accept the ‘assurances’ of ‘experts’. Every voter, irrespective of their level of literacy, education, or expertise, should be able to transparently verify, with their own eyes, that their vote that has gone into the box will be counted. This is the reason why paper ballots are preferred even in advanced countries where the best technology is cheaply available. The voter deserves to be completely convinced about the efficacy and legitimacy of the electoral process. This is paramount in a democracy.

Whether or not EVMs were tampered with in this particular election, the point is that any machine can be tampered with, and machines are only as trustworthy as the institution and individuals that control them. The credibility of the EC institution was at an all-time low in the 2019 Elections, with blatant bias, unanswered

questions, patently false information, opaqueness and glaring unexplained errors marring the whole exercise of polling and counting. If the EC’s credibility is under question, should we not assume that EVMs too might be tampered? Opposition parties need to take steps towards building public support for a return to paper ballots.

Possibilities of EVM Tampering

Let us look at some of the key arguments being offered in defence of EVMs. Let us ask ourselves: what is the nature of this defence? Is it being suggested that technically speaking EVMs can never be tampered? Or is it being suggested that tampering of EVMs would require the involve-ment of thousands of people and several institutions, which is highly unlikely? It is clear that EVMs can be compromised. There is no technological reason to prevent the tampering of EVMs. Yes, this would require a serious compromising of institutions and institutional mechanisms. In the given political climate in India, where we are witnessing the complete

breakdown of several institutions, we are therefore left with little confidence that tampering could never have happened.

In particular, the track record of the ECI in the EVM controversy has been dubious, to say the least. In fact, the ECI itself has allowed for doubts regarding EVMs to creep in:

They have supplied patently false information in response to serious questions.

The regulations and safeguards that are supposed to prevent the tampering of EVMs have often been publicly fouted.

The ECI has said several times that the software used in EVMs is One Time Programmable (OTP), and thus cannot be rewritten and tampered with. The ECI has also consistently claimed that unlike machines in Europe, for instance, EVMs in India are stand-alone devices unconnected to the Internet. This lack of internet connectivity in the use of Indian EVMs has been highlighted time and again to suggest that EVMs cannot be hacked because they cannot be remotely controlled via the internet. We now know that these claims no longer stand up to strict scrutiny.

A response to a Right to Information (RTI) query tells us that the software in EVMs is not OTP and can indeed be rewritten ( Similarly, it has been proved that remote access software can be (illegally) installed in EVM machines, thus enabling them to be manipulated via the internet by external agents (see for instance which states that machines used in the 2016 US Presidential Elections were compromised).

In addition, EVM manufacturers and distri-buters admit that EVMs are not always GPS-tracked and transported under strict supervision. According to a recent RTI query, around 20 lakh EVM machines are effectively missing. In another RTI response, the ECI refuses to share the GPS data of trucks transporting EVMs. (Refer to the detailed point above.)

In 2010 senior members of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) raised serious concerns in a 200-page-long book with a foreword by L.K. Advani asking if India’s democracy was at risk because of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs).

Some notes from the book :

  Ethical hackers have time and again challenged the ECI, pointing out security flaws. But the ECI’s response has been found wanting.

The hard-coded software on the microchip, which is supposed to be one-time programmable only is shared with the concerned companies by the ECI, opening up avenues for manipulation.

The microchip itself can be changed owing to physical access to EVMs.

When EVMs are tested by a technical team, only the logic and flow of logic is checked and not the microchip or the code itself. This opens up the possibility of flawed or compromised code. A mixture of old and new EVMs are used. The new ones, like any electronic device, have more advance security measures and the old ones may be vulnerable.

Given this backdrop, fears of mass EVM tampering or swapping refuse to wither away. During the 2017 Assembly elections in Uttara-khand, serial numbers of some EVMs used during the polling process (and recorded in forms submitted by the ECI’s Presiding Officers for the concerned booth) did not tally with the serial numbers in the EVMs used during counting ( The Uttarakhand case has been pending in the HC for two years now, with no verdict.

In other words, some of the tall claims being put forward by the ECI have by now been completely debunked, thus leaving us with little trust in the ECI and its many assurances. We need to ask: WHY is the ECI (and the BJP) so reluctant to allow for 100 per cent verification of EVM votes through VVPAT slips? Why are they so reluctant to address ANY of the concerns? What is the reason for this lack of transparency? Why are they constantly trotting out false pieces of information?

Botswana is witnessing strong political debates over the use of EVMs imported from India. In response to several objections raised by the Opposition Botswana Congress Party (BCP) in the Botswana court, the Independent Election Commission (IEC) in Botswana, over the past one year, has repeatedly requested the EC of India (ECI) to depose in Botswana’s courts and demonstrate the infallibility of the EVMs imported from India. The ECI has till now failed to comply and there are reports that faced with this challenge it is now planning to design an EVM for Botswana that is different from the one used in India!!!,https://economictimes.

Why is the ECI so reluctant to stand up before institutional scrutiny of its own EVMs in Botswana? In India, the ECI is arrogantly escaping from all questions and demanding that we unthinkingly trust its self-certification. And when institutions, such as Botswana’s IEC, ask accountability from it, the ECI runs away.

Platitudes and Self-Certification Cannot Substitute Transparent Public Scrutiny

The fact of the matter is: platitudes, opaque expert opinions, and self-certifications by the ECI cannot assure credibility of the EVM-based electoral process. In a democracy, it is important that the voter trust the final verdict of the elections. The individual voter cannot be asked to unthinkingly trust the ECI and the EVM machine, even as serious concerns are raised. This situation is not sustainable in a demo-cracy. Therefore, it is our collective responsibility to address this issue with the seriousness it requires.

We appeal to all political parties to urgently recognise the threats posed by the manipu-lations of EVM that compromise a free and fair election. We urge you to initiate immediate measures for public awareness regarding possible manipulation by the EVM. We also request you to move forward to reject the EVM and revert back to paper ballot, and if necessary to boycott elections to press forward this demand. We must collectively intervene to safeguard our democracy and for transparency in the electoral process.

Endorsed by:

A.M. Lakhani,

Abbas Mehdi, Individual

Abdul Bari Masoud, Senior Journalist

Abdul Hai, Jamait-ul-Ulema, Chengalpattu Zone

Abdulhafiz Lakhani, Gujarat Siyasat Newspaper

Abha Dev Habib, Miranda College, University of Delhi

Abhishek Gupta, Individual

Achyut Thakur, CPI-M Dist. Comm, Tonk, Rajsthan

Adhir Bhagwanani, Individual, Raipur

Aditya, Individual

Admiral Laxminarayan Ramdas, Former Chief of the Naval Staff

Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, Former Chief of the Naval Staff

Afaque Azad, Bharat Bachao Andolan

Ahmed Ahsan Abbas, Individual

Ahmed Bin Hamza, Indian Citizen

Ajay Kumar Verma, Designer

A.K. Kapoor, Retired

Ali Javed, Progressive Writers Association, New Delhi

Aliakbar Vimanwala, AAP

Alok Chaudhary, Shri Balaji Electronica

Amaan Khan, Corporate Executive, Gurgaon

Ameena Khan, Homemaker, Gurgaon

Amalendu Upadhyaya, Journalist

Amandeep Kour, Sri Ganganagar, NFIW

Ameena Khan, Homemaker, Gurgaon

Amina Ahmad, Delhi

Amit Kumar, NAPM

Amit Ramesan, Software Engineer

Amit Saini, AAP

Amita Gala,

Amita Joseph, New Delhi

Amrita Johri, RTI Activist, Delhi

Anand Patwardhan, Filmmaker, Mumbai

Anil Pannikker, Janhit Morcha, Hisar

Anil, Delhi Solidarity Group, Delhi

Anita Cheria, Open Space, Bangalore

Anita Dighe

Anita Singh,

Anitha V.B., Housewife

Anjali Bhardwaj, RTI Activist, Delhi

Anju Mahendroo

Annie Raja, National General Secretary, NFIW, Delhi

Anoop Kumar, JAGORI Rural Charitable Trust, Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh

Anshuman Singh, Common Teachers Forum (CTF)

Anthony Ittera, Individual

Anthony Sequeira, Concerned Citizen

Anu, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Anup Shah D.N., Individual

Anuradha Marwah, Associate Professor, Zakir Husain, Delhi College, Delhi University

Anwar Ahmad, Teacher

Arjun Singh, Retired Prof. Economics, CCS, HAU, Hisar

Arkina Singh, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Aruna Roy, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, Rajasthan

Arundhati Dhuru, NAPM, Lucknow

Arvind Kumar

Asad Zaidi, Author and Publisher, Delhi

Aseem Hasnain, Individual

Asha Sharma, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Ashish Ranjan, Individual

Ashok Bharti, All India Ambedkar Mahasabha

Ashok Chowdhury

Ashok Choudhary, All India Union of Forest Working People

Ashok Lal, Free Lance Writer, New Delhi

Ashok, AIAA

Asma Sharieff, Architect, Gurgaon

Asmi Sharma, NCPRI/Jan Sarokar

Avinash Kumar, Jawaharlal Nehru University

Avinash, Jaipur, NFIW

Aysha, Right to Food Campaign

B.S. Malik, Director ICEPL, Gurgaon

B.V. Ravi Kumar, Individual

Baby G., Retired

Baikuntha Bihary Pradhan, Shibshakti Trading Company

Banish, Journalist, Wire

Batina Malik, Jaipur, NFIW

Battini Rao, Convenor, People’s Alliance for Democracy and Secularism (PADS)

Benny Palatty

Bethala Sudarsanam, All India Dalit Rights Forum

Bhavna Sharma, Social Activist, Delhi

Bina Panchal, Jaipur, NFIW

Bindu Kapurea, New Delhi

Binu Mathew, Editor,

Bishop Allwyn D’Silva, Auxiliary Bishop of Archdiocese of


Bishop Rethna Swamy, Ahmadabad

Biswajit Roy, Convener, Rashtriya Yuva Sanghatan (RYS)

Bizeth Banerjee, Individual

Bobi Dixit, Jaipur, NFIW

Bodhisatwa Chatterjee, Individual

Brinelle D’Souza, PUCL and ICWM, Mumbai

Bulbul Dhar, Academic, New Delhi

Carol Geeta, PUCL, Ajmer

Celia, UMI

Chandarkala Saini, Jaipur, NFIW

Chander Kanta, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Channa Swami, Jaipur, NFIW

Chayanika Shah, LABIA - A Queer Feminist LBT Collective

Chitra N., Homemaker

C.P. Jha, Independent Journalist, New Delhi/Jaipur

Cynthia Reilly, the Bombay Catholic Sabha

Cyprian Andrade, Ahmadabad

D.G. Mahajan, D G Mahajan (person)

D.C. Dias, Individual

Denzil Fernandes, Social Scientist

Dev Desai, Social Activist, Anhad, Gujarat

Dhananjay Shinde, EVM Virodhi Rashtriya Jan Andolan,


Dinesh Abrol, Scientist, Delhi

Dinesh Braganza SJ, Pune

Dinesh J. Shah, Plastic Tomorrow

Dorothy Fernandes

Dr Aftab Alam, Asstt Professor, Political Science, ZHDC/University of Delhi

Dr Anita Rego, Social Activist

Dr Anjali Monteiro, Filmmaker and Academic, Mumbai

Dr Asha Saxena Ahmad, Ophthalmologist

Dr Bhan Kour Pilibanga, Hanumangadh, NFIW

Dr Bonthu Kotaiah, All India Dalit Rights Forum(Telangana)

Dr Braj Mohan Singh, Retired person, Ex-Secretary PWA, West Bengal

Dr Chander Prabha, Retired Reader, Delhi University

Dr Gilbert Sebastian, Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod.

Dr Frazer Mascarenhas S.J., Educationist. Mumbai

Dr Hiren Gohain, Literary Critic, Poet and Social Scientist

Dr Kanti Mohan Sharma, Retired Associate Professor, Satyawati College, DU, Poet, Delhi

Dr K.P. Jayasankar, Filmmaker and Academic, Mumbai

Dr Mohd Talib Ather Ansari, Self

Dr Rajeev Rajan, Individual

Dr Ramesh Nathan, National Dalit Movement for Justice (NDMJ)-NCDHR

Dr Roger Gaikwad, Guwahati

Dr Sadanand Bag, Independent Human Rights Activist, New Delhi

Dr Sylvia Kapagam, Public Health Doctor and Researcher, Karnataka

Durga, Jaipur, NFIW

Edmond Joseph, Individual Citizen

Ena Zafar, Student, Delhi

Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, New

Falak Mariyam Rahman, Film Maker, Gurgaon

Faraz Ahmad, Freelance Journalist

Father Cedric Prakash, SJ, Gujarat

Father Dr Anand Nuttungakl, Rashtriya Isai Maha Sangh

Father T.K. John, Sahayog, Delhi

Feroze Mithiborwala, Bharat Bachao Andolan, Mumbai

Flavia Agnes, Advocate, Majlis, Mumbai

Florine ICM

Francis Antony, Individual

Francis Gonsalves, Journalist and Professor, Pune

Francis Parmar, Provincial Gujarat

Franklyn Mathias

Gabriele Dietrich

Gagandeep Singh

Gagan Pal Singh, DYFI, Udaipur

Gargi Chakravartty, Academic, Delhi

Gauhar Raza, Scientist, Poet, Filmmaker, Delhi

Geeta Chhipa Chittor, NFIW

George Mutholil, Retired Sociology Professor, Kozhikode,


Gracy Mlakuzhyil

Gurkirth Kour, Alwar, NFIW

Habib Mithiborwala

Har Simran, Jaipur, NFIW

Harmeet Kaur, Individual

Harsh Mander, Writer, Social Activist, New Delhi

Heena, House maker

Hetal Nandaniya, Headaya International

Hijam Rajen, Indian Front Line, Hindi Weekly

Himshi Singh, NAPM

Hiren Somaiya

Hitendra Pithadiya, Dalit Yuva Dal

Ibrahim Ahmad, Tech Entrepreneur, Gurgaon

Indu Prakash Singh, Social Activist, Delhi

Isha Sharma, Jaipur, NFIW

Ishteyaque Ahmad Khan, Youth of Bharat.

Jagmati Sangwan, Women Rights Activist, Rohtak

Jalpa Sharma Suratgadh, NFIW

Jamaluddin Sahib

Jan Sarokar

Javed Qureshi, Rajasthan

Jawarimal Parakh, Prof Retired, Department of Hindi, IGNOU

Jaya Mehta, Economist, Sandarbh Collective, Delhi

Jayaprakash N.D., New Delhi

Jayavikum, Ajmer, NFIW

J.D., Icit Infotech Pvt Ltd

Jessie Framjee

Jiju Antony, Coimbatore

Joe Athialy, New Delhi.

Joe Victor

Joginder Singh Saini

John Dayal, Journalist, Writer, New Delhi

John Tony

Joseph Mattam, Baroda

Julia George, Advocate, Pune

Justus Pinto

Jyoti Bahen

Jyoti Panchal, Jaipur, NFIW

K.R. Subash, IWC

K. Satchidanandan, Writer

Kalanidhi S.

Kalyani Menon-Sen, Feminist Learning Partnerships

Kamayani Bali Mahabal, Human Rights Activist, Mumbai

Kanta Ahuja

Kashinath Mishra, Friends of Noba

Kavita Vyas, Bikaner, NFIW

Kazi Sangramoon Uddin, CPILML Lib

Khalid Hafiz Khan, India Against EVM

Kishwar, Jaipur, NFIW

Koninika Ray, NFIW, Delhi

Krishnakant Chauhan, Surat, Gujarat

Kuldesh, Nari Shakti Sangatha, Himachal Pradesh

L. D’Souza

Lalita Ramdas, Peace Activist, Mumbai

Lara Jesani, Advocate, Bombay High Court & Member PUCL, Maharashtra

Lata Singh, JNU

Lateef Mohammed Khan, Civil Liberties Monitoring


Leena Dabiru, Development and Legal Consultant, Delhi

Likith, University of Mysore

Lingaraj Azad, Tribal Activist, Odissa

M.K. George, Retired Sociology Professor, Kozhikode, Kerala

M. Varalaxmi, Hyderabad

M. Maqbool A. Mateen , United Citizens Forum

M. Sreelalitha, Hyderabad

Madhu Bala Tyagi, Delhi

Madhuri Varshney, Dwarka Collective, Delhi

Madhusmita, Delhi

Madihur Rahman Suhaib, AITUC, Aligarh

Mahendra Kumar Misra, Individual

Mahendra Singh, Individual

Mahesh Pandya, Gujarat Social Watch

Mahesh Pandya, Paryavaran Mitra, Gujarat

Mahin Ahmad, Student, Delhi

Mahjabeen Nauman, Housewife, New Delhi

Mahnoor Yar Khan

Maj Gen Satbir Singh, SM, Chairman IESM, Indian Ex Servicemen Movement

Mamta, Social Activist, Jagori Rural, Himachal Pradesh

Manan Trivedi, Social Activist, Gujarat

Manjeet Kour, Raja Park, Jaipur, NFIW

Manju Kulapuram Ranchi Jharkhand

Manjusha Nayan, Advocate, SCI, New Delhi.

Manoj Solanki

Manpreet Bagdi, Jaipur, NFIW

Marie Scaria, Supreme Court Lawyer, Delhi

Marina Thazhathuvettil

Mastram, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh Mathews Philip, ED, SICHREM Mavis Nanda, Guhawati, Assam

Medha Patkar, NAPM

Mercy Francis

M.H. Jawahirullah, Tamilnadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam Minakshi Bindoria, Jaipur, NFIW

Minakshi Singh, Human Protection Peace Council Miransha Naik, Filmmaker

M.M.P. Singh, Retired Associate Professor, Former DUTA President, Hindi Critic and Editor NAYA PATH

Mohamed Shiyas

Mohammad Asim

Mohammad Shadab, Papermart Corporation Mohammad, Individual

Mohammed Hunaid Kasimi, Individual Mohd Abuzar, ANHAD, Delhi Mohmad Mohsin Chhalotiya Muhammed Saheer

Mukhtar Sheikh, ANHAD, Kashmir Mumtaz Shaikh, Social Activist, Mumbai Muniza Khan, Varanasi

Muniza Rafiq Khan, Gandhian Institute of Studies, Varanasi

Munni, Jaipur, NFIW

Munor Ali Mullah, AAMSU

Murtuja Sanghariyat, Akhil Gujrat General Majdoor Sangh

N. Sai Balaji, JNUSU President

Najma, Jaipur, NFIW

Nalini Taneja, Associate Professor Retired, School of Open Learning, Delhi University

Nandini Sundar, Academician, New Delhi

Nandita Narain, Associate Professor, St Stephen’s College, Delhi University

Naseema Khatun, Jaipur, NFIW

Nasreen, UCF

Nasreen Fazalbhoy, Mumbai

National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)

Naushad Anware, EVM SARKAR

Naveed Ahmed, Corporate Executive, Gurgaon

Neelam, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Neena Vyas, Journalist, New Delhi

Neethirajan, Movement Against Hindudva Fazism

Nikhil Dey, MKSS

Nikhil Kumar, Advocate, New Delhi

Nilamadhab Parida, Action for Rural Upliftment and Planning

Nilesh Parmar, Gujarat Working Class Union, Bharuch

Niraj Kumar, Revolutionary Youth Association (RYA)

Nirbhay Bhogal, Pandies’ Theatre Nisha Sidhu, Jaipur, NFIW

Nitin Desai, Social Worker

Nitish Das, Retired

No Voter Left Behind Campaign

Noorjahan Diwan, Anhad, Gujarat

Noorjanha, Churu, NFIW

Ozelle Lobo, Ahmadabad

P.B. Jijeesh

P.K. Narayanan

P. Prasanathi, Hyderabad

P. Sainath, Nation for Farmers

P.R. Patel, The Taxpayers Protection Council Parbhati, Jaipur, NFIW Persis Ginwalla, Ahmadabad

Philo Thomas, WWC, Pune

Philomena John, NFIW Delhi

Poonam Sharma, Jaipur, NFIW

Pradeep Esteves, Context India

Pradeep Sharma, Shia PG College, Lucknow

Pradip Narain, Former Associate Professor, Mathematics, Jesus & Mary College, DU

Pradip Prabhu, Kashtakari Sanghatana, Mumbai Prashant Anthony, Co-ordinator, PROUD Prathapchandra Kedilaya, Individual

Praveen, Nari Shakti Sangatha, Himachal Pradesh Pravinbhai Patel, The Tax Payers’ Protection Council

Priyadarshi Chowdhury, National Coordinator All Investors Safety Organization

Prof A. Marx, Chairperson, National Confederation of Human Rights Organisations

Prof Anand Teltumbde, Goa Institute of Management, Goa

Prof Imtiaz Ahmad, Former Professor, Political Sociology, JNU

Prof Rohit Shukla, Gujarat

Prof Ujjwal K Chowdhury, Media, Dean, Pearl Academy. Former Dean, Symbiosis & Amity Universities

Prof H.A. Shankaranarayana, Independent Researcher Prof. Noman Ahmad, Aligarh Prof. RB Kakumanu, Redpriki

Pushkar Raj

P.V.S. Kumar, Scientist, New Delhi

Qasim Masumi, Gender Alliance

R. Selvam, Tamilnadu Organic Farmers Federation Radha Bhandari, Chittor, NFIW

Rafia Zaman, Teacher, New Delhi Rahat Yusufi, Sara Media Consultants

Raj Sisodiya, Social Activist Collectively Foundation Raja Rabbi Hussain, SBI Youth for India

Rajan J. Barrett, MS University, Baroda Rajesh Kumar, PSU

Rajiva Bhushan Sahay, Self-Employed

Rajkumari Dogra, Jaipur, NFIW

Rajni Vyas, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh

Rajshree Dhali, Associate Professor, SGTB Khalsa College, Delhi University

Rajwant Kour Raisingh Nagar, NFIW

Rakhi Jadon, Jaipur, NFIW

Rakhi Sahgal, Mahila Kaamgaar Sangathan, Gurgaon

Ram Puniyani, All India Secular Forum, Mumbai

Ramnik Mohan, Rohtak

Ratheesh Pisharody, None

Ravindra Singh, Bihan

Rekha Awathi, Retired Associate Professor, Hindi,

Dayal Singh College, DU

Rekha, Dungarpur, NFIW

Renu Bala, Associate Professor, ARSD College, University of Delhi

Rethna Swamy

Reethamma Abraham

Revappa, AAP

Richa Minocha, Jan Abhiyan Sanstha

Rishi Ram Parashar, Parashar Bee Farms

Rita Pinto, New Delhi

Rosamma Thomas, Freelancer

Royston Fernandes SJ

Rukhsar Saleem, Storyteller & Communication Consultant, Gurgaon

Rumesh Chander, Former Associate Professor, Central

Institute of Education, Delhi University.

Rumesh, University of Delhi

Runu Chakraborty, Independent Gender Consultant.

S. Vayalipara

Saad Khan, Architect

Sabir Ali Bukhari

Sabra Khan, Jaipur, NFIW

Sachin K. Chavan,

Sachin N., Common Teachers’ Forum

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Saju Vincent, Against EVM

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Samrendra Kumar, Personal

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Sanghmitra Acharya

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Santosh Sharma, Gender Trainer, NOIDA

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Shanti Fernandes RSCJ

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Sharada Ganesh, None

Sharfuddin Ahmad, Advocate

Sharmila, Jaipur, NFIW

Shashikant Pandey, Department of Political Science. Agra College, Agra

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Shekhar Chandra Mitra, Ambedkar In India

Sheo Dutt, Associate Professor, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi

Sherifa Jamaal

Shirin Tabassum, Delhi

Shirin, ID Solutions

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Shubha, Poetess, Rohtak

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Sibert, Young Indian

Siddhant Sharma, National Alliance of People’s Movements

Siddharth, Lokswaraj Manch

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Sohail Hashmi, Historian, Filmmaker, New Delhi Sohel, Jaipur, NFIW

Soma K.P., Independent Researcher, New Delhi Sonika, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh Soofia Khan, Housewife, Aligarh Sophie Nellieakunnel

Sr Anna Olickal, Chetna Bharati, Jharkhand Sr Sujita SND

Sr. Cynthia CJ, NGO Representative at the United Nations, New York

Sr. Mary Mabel OCD, Prioress and Community, Cloistered Carmel Convent ,Mangalore

Sr. Celia, Janapriya Seva Kendra,

Subhajit Ghosh, Self

Subhan, Individual

Subhash Chandra, Subodh Mohanti, Scientist, Delhi Sudha N, Independent

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Sumit Chakravartty, Editor, Mainstream

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Suresh Chopra

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Suresh Chandra Mehta, Former CM, Gujarat Sureshini, Doc Research Institute

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Sushmita, Researcher, Mumbai

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Syed Jabir Hassan, Businessman, Mysore, Karnataka Syed Nauman, Retired from Pvt Sector, New Delhi Sylvia S Sharma, Personal

Tapan Bose, Writer and Filmmaker

Teesta Setalvad, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP)

Teles Fernandes

Thomas Zechariah, Light of Christ Ministries.

Tonam Sharma SGNR, NFIW

Tumul Katara

Uma Chakravarti, Historian and Feminist, Delhi Uma Shankari, Individual Citizen

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Unnikrishnan, Citizen

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Vijaya Usha Rani, Hyderabad

Vikas, Social Activist, Himachal Pradesh Vinayak Jadav Ahmedabad

Vineet Tiwari, Sandarbh Collective Vinita Jain, Jaisalmer, NFIW Vinod

Vinod Mubayi, Retired Physicist; Co-editor of Monthly Insaf Bulletin, New York, NY, USA

Vinod Pant

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Vivek Mehta, IAE

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Zaheer Ahmed Sayeed, Neurologist, Chennai

Zamser Ali, Senior Journalist, Guwahati, Assam

Zeba Zaidi, Gurgaon

Ziauddin, Advocate, Gurgaon

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Zoya Hasan, Professor Emeritus, Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University

Zulfikaar, Individual.

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