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Mainstream, Vol 64 No 12, May 1, 2026

The Price of Disposability: What the Noida Protests Tell Us About Indian Labour | Himadri Sekhar Mistri & Sanjay Kumar

Friday 1 May 2026

The Noida-Delhi industrial belt witnessed intense unrest in the recent past. Workers who were protesting were called rioters as the message of violence was spread. The arrest was dubbed a restoration of order. Some officials instantly asserted that there were anti-national forces at work in the unrest. It even received a Pakistani twist. In India in 2026, it appears that no demonstration can be lawful until it is referred to a foreign hand.
This framing needs to be analysed carefully. The violence really happened. But to explain the Noida unrest as purely violence will be a misrepresentation. There was no outbreak. It was an overflow.

Over 40,000 employees were out of factory doors and in the streets at almost 80 factory sites in Gautam Buddh Nagar. They were demanding a monthly wage of Rs 18,000-Rs 20,000. It is a small number when we compare it with the living wage in the NCR area. A 2024 study commissioned by Anker Research Institute approximated the living wage in the area at approximately Rs 22,494/month. The workers in the Hosiery and manufacturing hub in Noida sector were earning between Rs 13000 and Rs 15000 per head. The majority of them have earnings that are lower than Rs 10,000 after making deductions of provident funds. That is all that a family of four will subsist on in one of the most expensive urban areas in the country and that is not even counting rent, food and gas cylinders and even school fees of children.

Recently, the neighbouring state of Haryana raised minimum wages by Rs 14,000 to Rs 19,000. It is an increase of 35 per cent. The same occupation of the same workers, doing similar work, of similar industries, serves the same global supply chains, in Phase-2 clusters of Noida. The wages of an employee in Manesar and the ones in Sector 60, Noida has a gap by Rs 6000 per month.

The Uttar Pradesh government responded to the unrest by making an announcement of the revised wage. The wage of unskilled workers is raised to Rs 13,690 per month as compared to 11,313 earlier. This was retroactively raised to April 1. Labourers were also demanding a sum of Rs 20,000. The counter-offer of the state was Rs 13,690, which is almost Rs 9,000 less than what the Anker Institute estimates a family in this area requires. The government termed it as a rapid response.

Wage is just one part of the problem. In almost all the Hosiery Complex of Noida and the industries around, the 12-hour working schedule is compulsory. Eight hours are defined by the Factories Act. This is hardly ever enforced by labour inspectors. The employees have been demanding that working hours be shortened, that overtime should be paid at double the rate of payment and that the payment should be made into the bank accounts and not through a system of contractors who are known to add extra to the money. These aren’t political demands. They consist of paper-based legal rights, which are outdoors.

The situation is worse in the case of the women workers. It was revealed in a study conducted in 2025 by the Fair Trade Advocacy Office and Change Alliance on garment clusters in the NCR of Delhi. Verbal harassment is an everyday issue. Workplaces are unsafe. There are also internal committees that report sexual harassment, but these committees are nonexistent, or the same management that the complainants accuse of harassment runs them.

This is in line with the larger picture. More than 83 per cent. of the Indian labour force is in the informal sector, which lacks health benefits, job security, and significant legal protection. Formal registered statistics of the Directorate General Factory Advice Service and Labour Institutes show that there were three dead workers on average at the workplace every day in 2017-2020. Each day, eleven more were injured. These are just the reported numbers. In India, the majority of the factory workers are informal in the industrial belts, regardless of the industry to which the workers are associated. They’re on contract. They are transferred to a registry of a subcontractor. They are dispensed easily. That’s the real structural condition underneath the burning vehicles. An easily expendable workforce that has no real bargaining capacity.

The sociological literature on industrial conflict is consistent on one point. The workers’ dissatisfaction will not be solved if the formal channels of grievance are closed. It builds up and ultimately takes another way out. Employees do not set fire to cars because they are troublemakers or they have disruptive motives. They are desperate because of less than minimum wage, long working hours, and daily humiliation.

The anti-social element narrative and the conspiracy theory are doing something. They distract attention from the fundamental question, as to why 40,000 workers in one of the most productive Indian industrial districts then arrive simultaneously at the conclusion that they had nothing left to lose by striking? The conspiracy is not the answer. It is the wage slips. It is on 12-hour work shifts. It lies in the fact that it took a vehicle on fire to make the state change the minimum wage, which it had maintained artificially low for years.

Noida will settle. Salaries will be adjusted, in writing. The arrested workers may get relief from the courts. It will revert to what is believed to be normal in the industrial belts in India. But the question will remain: will there be any permanent, effective mechanism developed to solve workers’ issues, or will the measures taken always be reactive?