Some Reflections on Naga Ceasefire

The Indo-Naga peace talks between the National Socialist Council of Nagalim [IM] and the Government of India have sojourned many places like Paris,1 Bangkok,2 Zurich, Geneva, Amsterdam, Hague and New Delhi. An indefinite ceasefire or “sine die” was declared at a lesser known place called Dimapur [Nagaland] on July 31, 2007. Naga grassroot civil society organisations including the Naga Hoho demanded “No Solution, No Extension of Ceasefire”. Interestingly, a press statement issued by the Ministry of the Information of NSCN-IM flayed the Government of India for what was described as “hurting the sentiment of the Nagas” despite holding 59 rounds of talks. So far there is no sight of any political solution but there is a confused reflection.

Ceasefire and Special Economic Zone [SEZ]

INDEED, the remote North-Eastern region [NER] has also been affected by the wave of “globalisation”. The wave is in the form of market and resource extraction. Recently, the Government of India has proposed dozens of dams in Arunachal and Sikkim, uranium mining in Meghalaya and SEZs3 in Nagaland. Further the region is seen as a “hot-spot” to promote economic investments through multilateral agencies like the World Bank and Asian Development Bank and also the proposed Asian railways and Trans-Asian Highway to East Asia. However, all these developmental activities are silenced by the environmental aspects and socio-cultural implications. Undoubtedly, such a trend of investment inevitably would change the very face of the region.

Neo-liberal economic ‘reforms’ in India saw intense protests against SEZs4 in places like Raigad [Maharashtra], Jhajjhar [Haryana] and Nandigram [West Bengal] cutting across all sections of people. Against this backdrop ‘it will be worthwhile to examine the situation in Nagaland’. Mr Rio-led DAN Nagaland Government invited multilateral agencies and trustees like Ratan Tata for SEZs. The Nagaland State is the first state in the NER that was registered on the map of the upcoming SEZs. Two SEZs has been approved. The first one is to be developed by Messers H.N. Company in Dimapur. The second proposed SEZ is related with a Specific Agro Food Processing Special Economic Zone and to convert the existing Export Promotion Industrial Park [EPIP] at Ganeshnagar, which is to be promoted by the Nagaland Industrial Development Cooperation Limited [NIDC]. Mr Pillai, the Commerce Secretary, said: “The multi-product zone proposed in Nagaland will come up over 400 hectares and the land is in possession of the developer.” [Expressindia.com, July 12, 2007] A daily from Nagaland reported: “...a group of Ministers, set up to finalise a relief and rehabilitation policy, today decided in Delhi to give the State governments discretion to acquire 30 per cent of the land required for an industrial project or special economic zones provided the developer has acquired the balance. State governments can now acquire 30 per cent of the land on behalf of the project developer if the company has already taken 70 per cent of the land in possession.” [The Morung Express, August 31, 2007]

Coincidently, all these activities are taking place in the period of the Indo-Naga peace process. After two decades of “silence” the Government of India is keen enough to have parleys with the Nagas that also interestingly in the so-called liberalisation era. At the same time, New Delhi’s policy-makers term Naga political movement as the “mother of insurgency”. In this regard, Misra [2000: 59] wrote: “Any settlement [with Nagas] would obviously prove to be of great disadvantage to the other militant outfits of the region.”5 As per Misra’s line, New Delhi by any “means” requires to tame the Naga insurgency for economic benefits. As of now, New Delhi is so keen to poach into India’s North-East resources, extract properties, and tap the natural-power in the name of development without taking the people into consideration [read as public hearing]. Therefore, this in turn creates doubts over the veracity of the sine die ceasefire reached between New Delhi and the NSCN-IM. In spite of eleven years of ceasefire, the talks are yet to come out with any political understanding.

Ceasefire and Development

APART from SEZs, Nagaland indicated a positive nod to the ONGC and Canoro Resources Ltd. to extract crude oil from Champang, under the Wokha district.6 According to the report, the Canoro President is in touch with the NSCN-IM. Canora further said that the Naga underground outfit has expressed support if the company’s oil ambitions are consonant with the ‘wishes of the people’. Also, for the company, considering the history of the Naga people, it is imperative that the people’s sentiments as well as of the government be kept in focus. The report mentioned that the stakeholders include the Nagaland Government, the local public, Naga outfits and ONGC.7 Interesting enough, how can the NSCN-IM claim ownership of the Champang Oil Fields and also who gives them the right to negotiate with Canoro? In this case there are four parties—the ONGC, Canoro. NSCN-IM and State Government—but the people’s development issues are not taken seriously.

Sometimes reflections cause “uneasiness”. A Calcutta-based national daily wrote: “By the end of this year, Nagaland might well be exporting ballistic body armour and load-bearing equipment to Baghdad and Washington.”8 The report claimed that the Armour would acquire about 50 acres land near Dimapur town to prepare armoured vehicles and bullet-proof vests. Mr Rio’s government is obviously ecstatic as the project promises initial employment for at least 100 people, not to speak of the potential for growth of ancillary units. So, at the expense of 100 people’s employment Nagaland is sold to the “arms/war-race” company in the land of the peace-yearning Naga people. Further the report indicates that the products manufactured here have been earmarked for use by the US Allied Forces in Iraq.

Bangalore based human rights activist, Mr Deena, comments that: “The political atmosphere is becoming more confused and murkier as there seem to be increased economic or development activities in the state of Nagaland. While those who are involved in the peace process have focused on political issues concerning their future, the Government of India has used cleverly its statecraft to use the economic development programme to undermine the political movement. Even the civil societies have failed to comprehend the ploy of the Indian state in its use of economic development programme to undermine the peace process and divert the attention of people from finding a political solution to the Naga issue.”9

If these trends continue, the Naga traditions, values and subsistence economies would be destroyed in the name of growth induced development. As a result, the Naga community would be alienated from their culture, economy, and polity due to displacement. This would further increase conflicts and tension in the region.

In fact such economic incentive is rather observed as an “unhealthy” trend. The basic point here is that the Naga Hills are really on the way to “economic-shining”, that would be based on the market economy. On the other hand, the market has the potential tools that will create social classes based on economic assets [so-called middle-class/upper class]. In fact such a trend could detour the support base of the any socio-political movement in the region. Nevertheless, economic policies driven by the liberal economic process would undermine or rather dilute the Naga political issue. Or, can economic investment “rescue” the Naga political imbroglio? This invites serious thought.

Moreover, it is in contrast with the Special Status guaranteed to the Nagaland State under the Indian Constitution: “no Act of Parliament in respect of- religious, social practices, customary law and procedure, ownership and transfer of land and its resources…”10

Remarks

INDEED, the Naga society is in a state of socio-political transition. The transition is now incorporated with the wave of globalisation. This wave bears enormous and powerful forces that can dilute not only the Naga political movement but the basic values of Nagas’ livelihood. At this juncture, one can reflect upon the Tibet scenario too. N. Ram’s article, “Future Tibet” [Frontline, July 27, 2007] concludes as: “…the future of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the extensive Tibetan autonomous areas that form part of four major provinces will be— in their differentiated and distinctive ways—with one China.” China’s policy in Tibet claims that the Chinese Government developed the region within a short span of time. The whole article highlighted the good work done for Tibet by the Chinese. New Delhi seems to be emulating the Chinese model not only in the case of SEZs, but also in dealing with the political aspirations in the struggles for self-determination.

NOTES

1. Meeting with Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao on June 12, 1995 for the ceasefire and peace talks.

2. First meeting with the Indian Representatives, including Swaraj Kaushal, Special Emissary to the Prime Minister, Shyamal Dutta, IB Director and S. Kumar, Joint Director IB after officially declared ceasefire and peace talks on August 1, 1997.

3. Today, the North-Eastern region becomes the main focus in Delhi’s policy. The region has many packages like- “Vision 2020: Peace, Progress and Prosperity in the North eastern Region”, “Look East policy”, and the newly created Public Diplomacy Division [PDD] in the Ministry of External Affairs [MEA] is keen enough to learn about the North-East. Rajiv Sikri, Secretary, East, MEA, said: “Envisage the NE region not as the periphery of India, but as the centre of a thriving and integrated economic space linking two dynamic regions with a network of highways, railways, transmission lines crisscrossing the region.” [Moirangthem, 2008, “North-East: Bridging India and ASEAN”. The Sangai Express, November 27, 2007]

4. Kannan [2008: 32] wrote: “Land in a single piece, capable of being fenced off so that it can be treated as a ‘foreign territory,’ is the fundamental precondition of the ‘Special Economic Zone.” [“Of public purpose and private profit,” Seminar, February]

5. Misra, Udayon, 2000, The Periphery Strikes Back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland, Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

6. The editorial of Economic and Political Weekly [August 4, 2007] observed: “At the same time, a new rhetoric of development now binds the Centre and the North-East into a fresh relationship that does away entirely with the earlier involvement of the local community. For instance, the Democratic Alliance Government of Niephiu Rio, elected in 2003, has pursued development aggressively. Recently a multi-product 400 hectare special economic zone was cleared for Nagaland. And the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, in alliance with the Canadian firm Canaro, announced its decision to resume exploration activities in the state 13 years after it was first driven out by the NSCN-IM on grounds that exploration could not continue without the consent of local communities.”

7. “Champang Oil: US $ 115 million for Nagaland Government,” The Morung Express, August 31, 2007.

8. The Telegraph [April 12, 2007] under the caption of “Armoured for Big Business—Defence equipment firm chooses Nagaland over Malaysia”.

9. Observation, thoughts and reflections based on interaction with Naga civil society in Dimapur, Kohima and Mokochung in Nagaland from 26th to 30th July 2006. [Memo].

10. Article 371[A] of Indian Constitution.

The author belongs to the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore. He can be contacted at e-mail : uashimray@isec.ac.in